Perhaps unsurprisingly with the NPC meeting this week, China graces the cover of the latest issue of The Economist. This last edition of the NPC was not without its drama. While there were no Taiwanese Legislative Yuan-style fisticuffs in the aisles, recent debate about a law protecting private property sparked some controversy:
Nearly 3,000 delegates to China’s parliament, the National People’s Congress (NPC), have been enjoying their annual fortnight of wining, dining, snoozing and pressing the “yes†button. Living up to one’s name poses something of a problem for the Chinese Communist Party, which dictates the laws the NPC will pass, and whose name in Chinese literally means “the public-property partyâ€.
To such a party it must be an ideological embarrassment that China has such a large and flourishing private sector, accounting for some two-thirds of GDP. So one law due to receive the NPC’s rubber stamp this month, giving individuals the same legal protection for their property as the state, has proved unusually contentious. It was to be passed a year ago, but was delayed after howls of protest from leftists, who see it as among the final of many sell-outs of the ideas of Marx, Lenin and Mao Zedong, to which the party pretends fealty.
The party’s decision to enact the law in spite of that resistance is a great symbolic victory for economic reform and the rule of law. Clearer, enforceable property rights are essential if China’s fantastic 30-year boom is to continue and if the tensions it has generated are to be managed without widespread violence.
I think The Economist’s characterization of the opposition to the law is a bit simplistic. According to the IHT, opposition to the new law is being led by Gong Xiantian, a Marxist economist, whose petition against the new law has received over 3200 signatures, including those from retired military officers and senior officials. It is not just nostalgic old guard leftists with their Mao buttons and Zhou Enlai “underoos.” (Though there are certainly members of the party who see the new law as a “betrayal of socialist values.”) The “left” is a label, not a club. There are those in China’s so-called New Left (excuse me: “critical intellectuals”) who support the recent economic reforms as being good for the country overall. They just wish that policies would consider “social justice” as well as GDP growth: there can be winners in the new China, but there should also be support for the…non-winners.
Until now, it has fallen to Wen Jiabao to be the human face of reform and he’s done a good job but, as The Economist notes in a companion article, criticism from the left needs to be handled differently than that from the right.
Direct criticism of leaders is still virtually taboo in China. But the drafting of the property law has provided an outlet for critics of government policy to air their grievances. Mr Hu and Mr Wen do not appear to face concerted opposition among party officials. But a vocal body of intellectuals and retired officials has denounced the property law as a betrayal of the country’s socialist principles. It will, they say, protect the fortunes of corrupt officials and the ill-gotten gains of crooked businessmen. Further, it will hasten the demise of China’s remaining state-owned industries and the creation of a plutocracy.
And there is reason to believe that the complaints of excessive GDP-ism are being heard both for political as well as pragmatic reasons. Lawmakers (I mean: law stampers) did approve an 87% increase in health spending (from an admittedly low number) as well as increases for education and rural (re)construction. All of which should be applauded. (There was also an 18% jump in military spending, but anyway…)
There is no question that the reforms are benefiting a large number of people throughout China and the CCP can take credit for lifting millions out of poverty. But it can do even better. I think the debate over the private property bill was healthy and shows that while the CCP still tightly clings to power, it is not monolithic in its views. A discussion of development priorities needs to happen, preferably in the open rather than behind the walls of Zhongnanhai. The economic development of the cities and some areas is nothing short of amazing, but we should be careful lest we develop a case of (in the words of fellow blogger The 88’s) “She blinded me with Shanghai.” There are still problems yet to be resolved.
Our old friend CCT might remind me of my faith in “systems.” And to some extent we agree more than CCT might believe. Systems can’t fix everything and they also can break down, occasionally with terrible consequences. But I do think that the process matters. The United States has faced some horrific moments in its history and there is plenty in our past of which I am not especially proud. But I don’t think that any of those crises or problems would have been easier to overcome or less likely to happen under one-party authoritarian rule. Quite the opposite in fact. Is China different? Absolutely. Is it so different that lessons from other places have absolutely no application here? Of that I am less sure.
The Economist concludes:
Without an accountable executive branch, the necessary reform of the legal system is not going to happen. As the passage of the property law itself demonstrates, the party is showing itself somewhat more responsive to public opinion than it was in the past. But it still runs a government that does its best to silence most dissenting voices, strictly controls the press, and lavishes resources on the best cyber-censorship money can buy. Property rights are a start; but only contested politics and relatively open media can ensure that they are enforceable.
Hear, hear.
Comments